Author Archives: Zenonas Tziarras

A Note on the Escalation of the Syrian Crisis

It has been reported that Israel conducted two airstrikes in Syria in the last few days. It is also said that these airstrikes targeted military facilities and equipment that was destined for Hezbollah. After a Syrian official called Israel’s attack “a declaration of war”, many speak of a turning point in the Syrian crisis and a war between Syria and Israel.

Things are both simple and complicated at the same time. This is indeed a turning point in the crisis not so much because of what Syrian officials have stated but because Israel’s actions demonstrated that the security risk stemming from Syria just reached the point where regional powers cannot remain unresponsive; it is within this framework that we should also evaluate Turkish Prime Minister’s remarks that Assad will pay for the deaths of thousands in Syria. This in turn means that as long as the Syrian regime escalates the violence and its cooperation with militant groups, such as Hezbollah, we will witness an increase in such actions/attacks. Continue reading

Extremism in Syria, Geopolitics, and Future Scenarios

One of the central themes that have been dominating the media lately regarding the Syrian crisis has been the participation of (Islamist) extremist elements in both of the camps of the civil war. What is the situation now in Syria, and what might the current developments hold for its future?

It is by now well known that the ethno-religious synthesis of Syria is making the conflict even more complicated than the external interests involved already make it. In light of this, the recent reports on the exploitation of the struggle from Islamist groups and the regional and global responses to the crisis point to a serious escalation of the conflict.

After the important move from the part of the Arab League to politically legitimize the Syrian opposition (Syrian National Coalition) by offering it Assad’s seat at the latest summit in Qatar, things have taken a turn for the worse. This might not be directly – or at least, obviously – related to other events but it shows how political and military developments go hand in hand as the crisis escalates. Of course, there were reports on Islamist groups operating in Syria before that, such as the jihadist Salafists from Gaza. According to Asmaa al-Ghoul, the Gaza Salafists see Syria as a good opportunity for conducting jihad, unlike Gaza where “the door…is closed”. The leader of the group, which joined the Syrian group Jabhat al-Nursa, also remarked that their ideology is the same with that of al-Qaeda.

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Something is Happening in the MidEast and the EastMed

Something is definitely happening at the geopolitical intersection of the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean. Rapid, crucial, and very much interlinked, developments at the same juncture cannot be coincidences. Here is some of the developments and their geopolitical impact, although only time can reveal the true and complete pattern.

In Turkey, apart from the discussion about the new constitution, the country is going through an historic period as the decades-long conflict between the state and the Kurdish separatist movement, led by the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party), seems to be coming to an end. The imprisoned Kurdish leader has called for a ceasefire and ordered the Kurdish fighters to withdraw from Turkish soil.http://thegwpost.wordpress.com/wp-includes/js/tinymce/plugins/wordpress/img/trans.gif

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Turkey and Israel: The Revitalization of Relations?

From the 1980s onwards the Turkish-Israeli relations started improving gradually. The year 1996 in particular was a milestone as the two countries signed a series of agreements of military cooperation and training, among others. The agreements were of outmost strategic significance as they gave rise to a pro-Western strategic axis which had a serious impact on the regional balances of power.

From Friends to Foes

The election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power of the Turkish state in 2002 had a gradually negative influence on the relations between Turkey and Israel for two main reasons. The first reason was the systemic changes that occurred in the region after 9/11 and the American invasion in Iraq (2003). The second reason was the AKP’s ideology which is positioned somewhere in between political Islam and democratic ideals even though the party itself denies any relationship to political Islam and declares that it is a “conservative-democratic” party. As far as the first reason is concerned, after 2001 Turkey had to manage a geopolitical environment which was particularly unstable both for its own and Western interests; this created the necessity for a closer relationship with the Arab/Muslim world. In terms of the second reason, the ideology of the AKP and the “Davutoğlu doctrine” (i.e. Turkey’s foreign policy doctrine based on the writings and approach of its Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlou) called for improved relations with the Middle East and distance from the West and Israel. The AKP’s approach toward the Arab/Muslim world and its anti-Western stance gained even greater momentum after 2006. That was when the European Union disappointed Ankara regarding its prospects for accession, while the friction between Turkey and Washington about Iraq – which includes the dimension of the Kurdish issue – continued.

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Τουρκία-Ισραήλ: Η Αναθέρμανση μιας Παγωμένης Συμμαχίας;

Από τη δεκαετία του ’80 οι σχέσεις Τουρκίας-Ισραήλ γνώρισαν σταδιακή αναθέρμανση με έτος σταθμό το 1996, οπότε και υπογράφηκαν οι μεταξύ τους συμφωνίες στρατιωτικής συνεργασίας και εκπαίδευσης. Οι συμφωνίες αυτές ήταν εξέχουσας στρατηγικής σημασίας, αφού οδήγησαν στην ανάδυση ενός φιλοδυτικού στρατηγικού άξονα, ο οποίος είχε σοβαρό αντίκτυπο στις περιφερειακές  ισορροπίες ισχύος.

Η άνοδος του ισλαμικού Κόμματος Δικαιοσύνης και Ανάπτυξης (ΑΚΡ) στην εξουσία του τουρκικού κράτους, το 2002, λειτούργησε σταδιακά με αρνητικό τρόπο στις σχέσεις των δύο χωρών για δύο βασικούς λόγους. Ο πρώτος λόγος ήταν οι συστημικές αλλαγές που επήλθαν στην περιοχή μετά την 11η Σεπτεμβρίου και την αμερικανική επέμβαση στο Ιράκ (2003), και ο δεύτερος λόγος ήταν η ίδια η ιδεολογία του ΑΚΡ, το οποίο βρίσκεται μεταξύ πολιτικού Ισλάμ και δημοκρατικού κόμματος, παρόλο που απορρίπτει τη σχέση του με το πολιτικό Ισλάμ και διακηρύττει ότι είναι απλώς ένα «συντηρητικό, δημοκρατικό» κόμμα. Όσον αφορά τον πρώτο λόγο, η Τουρκία κλήθηκε να διαχειριστεί ένα ιδιαίτερα ασταθές γεωπολιτικό περιβάλλον τόσο για την ίδια όσο και για τα δυτικά συμφέροντα, που την έφερε πιο κοντά στον αραβο-μουσουλμανικό κόσμο, ενώ σε σχέση με τον δεύτερο λόγο, η ιδεολογία του κόμματος αλλά και το δόγμα του «στρατηγικού βάθους» υπεδείκνυαν καλύτερες σχέσεις με τη Μέση Ανατολή και διατήρηση απόστασης από τη Δύση και το Ισραήλ. Hπροσέγγιση του ΑΚΡ στον αραβο-μουσουλμανικό κόσμο και η αντι-δυτική του στάση έλαβε ακόμα μεγαλύτερες διαστάσεις, όταν μετά το 2006 η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση απογοήτευσε την Άγκυρα ως προς την ενταξιακή της προοπτική, ενώ οι τριβές μεταξύ Άγκυρας και Ουάσιγκτον για το ζήτημα του Ιράκ – το οποίο συμπεριλάμβανε και την σημαντική παράμετρο ασφάλειας του Κουρδικού – συνεχίζονταν.

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